Youth Justice And The Medias Society Criminology Essay

Youth Justice And The Medias Society Criminology Essay This essay will start by highlighting how the media may shape societys response to young people who break the law through the moral panic model. The medias role will be outlined and youth crime data summarised. The urban disturbances of the early 1990s and the death of James Bulger will both be discussed in turn. In both cases a description of the event will be followed by an outline of the media response, identifying elements typical within the moral panic model. An attempt will be made to understand the reaction of society to media representations associated with young law breakers. Finally, in each case the action undertaken by the agents of control will be examined. This essay will attempt to construct arguments challenging this model throughout, and suggest that moral panics may also have sources within societys elite through hegemony. It is acknowledged that arguments surrounding hegemony may link in to the groundbreaking youth justice legislation of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, introduced after the period discussed in this essay. The impact of this legislation is acknowledged, however for the purposes of the media and societys response to young people who break the law it will not be discussed. The Moral Panic A moral panic may be outlined as the identification of a threat, for example to social values. This threat is simplified by the media with distorted representation resulting in raised social anxiety. Agents of control respond, resulting in either the panic diminishing or social changes taking place (Thompson cited in Newburn 2007 p95). The deviancy amplification cycle describes how heightened deviance may be attributed to stigma arising from media exaggeration or the treatment from agents of control (Brown 2005, Cohen 2002). Young highlights how this may quickly create problems through exaggerating an outsider lifestyle (Young cited in Kidd-Hewitt 2002 p119). Although studied by Jock Young in 1971 (Kidd-Hewitt 2002), Stanley Cohens Folk Devils and Moral Panics (1972) was described as the first systematic empirical study of a moral panic in Britain (Muncie 2004 p119). Cohens study of Mods and Rockers in Clacton during the Easter bank holiday in 1964 argued a clear relationship between young law breakers, the media, the general public and the police. Cohens work may be associated with Tannenbaums labelling and Lemerts primary and secondary deviance, all with origins in Mead and Cooleys symbolic interactionism (Newburn 2007). The media have constructed and processed information and ideas regarding deviancy since the industrial age, meaning society usually experience this commercially and politically constrained representation of deviance second hand (Cohen 2003). Hall et al (1978) explain how the media may have an assumed objectivity and frequently communicate an assumed social consensus, but they often have structured access to elite interests or primary definers, and reproduce their biased message. Cohen outlines elements which may appear in the media as stereotyping and stigmatising, a moral emphasis, and the requirement for further action. Information may be exaggerated and the use of symbols may be apparent with deviance represented through identifiable items such as clothing (Cohen 2002). Attitudes that may arise in a moral panic include the perception a disaster has occurred, the prophecy of doom (Cohen 2002 p38) where it is perceived events will happen again, and how at the height of a moral panic other unrelated events may be presented as connected. Perceived origins of a panic may include behaviour being likened to a disease, spreading and infecting. Nostalgia may appear along with disillusionment at the way things have become, impulsive activities may be described as premeditated, and behaviours may be perceived as newly developed (Cohen 2002). Youth Crime The ability of the media to influence public views of youth crime (Allen 2004 cited in Smith 2007) is evident through a rise in crime perceived by the majority of individuals who cited the media as a key information source (Hough and Roberts 2004). This is illustrated by 89 per cent of offenders known to the police being over the age of 18 yet nearly a third of survey respondent attributed most crime to children (Smith 2007). It is also suggested respondents perceived an exaggerated risk of being a crime victim (Goldson 2002 p391). It is advised that crime data should be treated with caution because an exact figure of occurrences does not exist (Tierney 2006). 20 per cent of the 5.4 million recorded crimes in 2006/07 were attributed to 10 to 17 year olds (Newburn 2007, Nicholas et al 2007) and approximately 80,000 crimes per annum are accountable to other agencies. These figures are not included in official crime data, along with 40 per cent of police reported crimes (Maguire 2002). Youth crime declined overall between 1985 and 1993 (Newburn 2002 cited in France) with relative consistency between 1993 and 2000 (Flood-Page et al 2000 cited in France). Offender and victim surveys highlight crimes not included in official data the dark figure (Newburn 2007) with estimated rates varying from eleven times more crime occurrences (Sparks et al 1977 cited in Tierney 2006) to a figure 39 times greater (Farrington et al 2006). Some crimes frequently undertaken by children have a smaller dark figure meaning proportionately more youth crime may be included in crime data. Crimes associated with younger people have estimated occurrences per actual conviction of six times for burglary, 77 for shoplifting and 132 for assault. Crimes associated with older offenders have rates of 809 occurrences per conviction for fraud, and 1463 for thefts from work (Farrington et al 2006). Early 1990s Urban Disturbances During the 1970s ideas surrounding the majority of crime being committed by a minority of individuals emerged from the Magistrates Association (Muncie 2004) and strategies during the 1980s were partly responsible for a reduction in youth crime (Pitts 2001). This increased sharply in the early 1990s by 111 per cent (Pitts 2001) and the Criminal Justice Act 1991 introduced an increasingly desert based sentencing policy, limiting the ability to consider previous crimes (Thomas 2003). From mid 1991 urban youth disturbances emerged from Cardiff, Oxford and in Newcastle notably on the Meadowell Estate where two young car thieves died in a police chase (Newburn 2007). These disturbances involved car related crime and resulted in conflict primarily between male youth and the police, and resulting in many arrests (Brown 2005). Individual younger children, identified by pseudonyms also appeared to be participating in unrelated activities such as domestic burglary Wykes (2001) argues that the poverty, substance misuse and lack of opportunity particularly experienced by the socially excluded Meadowell youth was largely ignored by the media. This supports Jewkes argument that the juvenile cultural resistance suggested by Cohens model may be exaggerated as a primary source of continued deviance (cited in Newburn 2007). The Media Exaggerated and distorted communication may have shaped societys perception of the level and type of offending being based on emotive, ambiguous and inaccurate information from the police and media (Garland cited in Goldson 2002). Labelling and stereotyping claimed hardcore child super crooks were responsible for 90 per cent of offences and were the number one crime problem (Daily Star, 30 November 1992 cited in Muncie 2004 p28). Reporting restrictions led to the identification of younger deviants through pseudonyms such as Ratboy, Homing Pigeon Boy, Spider Boy and The Terror Triplets (Muncie 2004). Deviant activities were distorted describing joyriding, ram raiding, and hotting (Muncie 2004) with frequent use of the term riot argued by Brown (2005) to be indicative of a moral panic. The graphic representation of deviance and the macho urban male youth stunt driving (Brown 2005 p59) supports McRobbie and Thorntons (2002) argument that moral panics may be entertaining. Moralising was also apparent with depictions of defiant youth as a ten year old in an SAS mask swaggered free from court resulting in calls for further action (Brown 2005 p60), although it is argued that a moral factor may not always be evident in a moral panic (Jewkes 2004 cited in Newburn 2007). The Terror Triplets illustrate the nature of the press coverage. The triplets were not persistent offenders with one previous conviction between them, and they all experienced health issues ranging from attention deficit hyperactivity disorder to epilepsy and a speech impediment with their education described in court as inadequate (guardian.co.uk 2002). Societys Reaction One panic surrounded the serious persistent young offender, frequently termed bail bandits (Brown 2005 p61) which failed to recognise that persistent offenders usually engage in petty crime, many are vulnerable children who are neglected or abused, with mental health and education issues (Muncie 2004). Vague and imprecise descriptions of youth deviance were highlighted by the police and media on an increasing basis with this lack of distinction fuelling social anxiety regarding the level and type of juvenile offending taking place (Garland cited in Goldson 2002). The inability of the criminal justice system to deal with youth crime was also a source of concern with Ratboy, who had accrued 55 offences between the ages of ten and 14, symbolising the inability for law and order to be maintained (Muncie 2004 p28). Despite decarceration and diversion reducing known juvenile offending in the 1980s, it was increasingly believed penal liberalism had gone too far (Goldson 2002 p390). Fiction increasingly replaced factual and rational information to conjure up monsters that seem to lurk behind the gloss and glitter of everyday life (Pratt 2000 cited in Goldson 2002 p390). Brown (2005) argues the moral panic had mutated into a total panic about the majority of young peoples lives, making the suggestion that Cohens model may provide an insufficient explanation. Childhood was considered to be in crisis, and as with Cohens prophecy of doom (2002 p38) idea, further deviance was expected (Pratt 2000 cited in Goldson 2002). Jewkes (cited in Newburn 2007) argues that the cohesiveness of societys reaction may be overstated in Cohens moral panic model. McRobbie and Thornton (2002) agree, noting how audiences may be sophisticated, understanding varying styles of interpretation which may fragment messages further, such as the ironic in-house publishing style in the Sun newspaper. Increased sources of information since the early 1990s such as the internet may cause further fragmentation. Agents of Control The extensive coverage escalated concerns prompting a Home Affairs Committee in July 1992 to consider youth crime, persistent young offenders and the youth justice system (HAC 1993 cited in Muncie 2004). It was concluded that an increasing minority of young offenders were committing a high volume of offences, despite a lack of evidence (Farrington 2002) and the idea of a persistent group being arbitrary (Hagell Newburn in Muncie 2004). Smith argues that the government responded through introducing the Aggravated Vehicle-Taking Act 1992, which was imprisonable for five years (Home Affairs Committee 1993; Childrens Society 1993 cited in Smith 2007, Brown 2005), later increased to 14 years in the Criminal Justice Act 2003 (statutelaw.gov.uk 2008). Hegemony Brown agrees with Cohens suggestion that the agents of control have no choice but to respond in their socially sanctioned manner suggesting that high media coverage prompted the police action towards joyriding which had been occurring for some time (Brown 2005). The elite-engineered moral panic model provides an alternative explanation, describing how societys powerful elite may be the source (Goode and Ben-Yehuda cited in Newburn 2007). Marxist philosopher Gramsci explains such activity through hegemony, something Hall et all include in their model of the moral panic (Hall et al 1978) and something Smith (2007) cites as significant. Hegemony describes the persuasive communication of a societal consensus of belief systems through the media, gaining legitimacy for elite actions (Althusser 1977 and Cohen 1985 cited in Smith 2007, Smith 2007, Brown 2005). Prior to the Aggravated Vehicle-Taking Act 1992 The Lord Chief Justice and the Magistrates Association were overtly discontent with political interference and the limited capacity to increase sentences the Criminal Justice Act 1991. A sophisticated campaign (Smith 2007 p25) during 1991 by powerful members of the police also emerged relating to persistent young offenders, argued to have resulted in a media moral panic (Brown 2005, Downes and Morgan 2002). The Death of James Bulger In February 1993 the well documented abduction of two year James Bulger by ten year olds Robert Thompson and John Venables occurred. Taken from a shopping centre, the boys walked for two miles to a railway track where James was attacked and murdered (Muncie 2004, Brown 2005, Smith 2007). Following nine months custody and a month long trial the boys were found guilty of the murder (Morrison 1997). The boys are now living under assumed identities, understood to be outside of the UK. 27 murders of children by children have occurred in the last 250 years (Muncie 2004) with four 10-13 year olds convicted of murder between 1979 and 1992 (Cavadino 1996). Children are considered to be at greater risk from people who know to them (Morrison 1997) highlighted by sexual abuse and torture of James Bulger which it was argued suggested indicated the sexual abuse and torture experienced by at least one of attackers (Sereny 1996). The Media The hostile and sensationalist approach to this case contrasted sharply with a similar Norwegian case which was treated as a tragic accident (Muncie 2004 p6) and a similar case from Stockport in 1861 where rehabilitation was the ultimate public response. Exaggerated and irrational labelling stigmatised the boys as spawn of satan, freaks of nature, and monsters (Muncie 2004 p4). Sereny (1996) argues that the response to the boys as innately evil highlights how insufficiently it was attempted to understand issues in their lives, with which Morrison agrees (1997). A consensus regarding a new type of deviance was evident as we will never be able to look at our children in the same way again. Concerns of reoccurrence were evident with parents everywhere are asking themselves and their friends if the Mark of the Beast might not also be imprinted on their offspring (Sunday Times cited in Muncie 2004 p4) advising For Goodness Sake Hold Tight To Your Kids (Sun 16 February 1993 cited in Mason 2003 p197). Blurring of the boundary between the media and the audience (McRobbie Thornton 2002) may be seen with the widely broadcast CCTV footage of James Bulger in a shopping centre with his assailants. The Bulger family created a petition in conjunction with the Sun newspaper and a television phone in of nearly 300,000 names demanding Thompson and Venables never to be released (Morrison 1997). Retributive comments broadcast on television included James father Ralph stating one day theyll be out of jail and Ill be waiting for them and Jamess uncle Jim threatening when we get hold of them, we will fucking kill them (Morrison p234). McRobbie and Thornton (2002) also explore the idea of pressure groups or the folk devils themselves blurring this boundary further and widening the debate by either appearing in or producing their own media, although this is not evident in this case. By 1995 young people were being represented as the savage generation (The Sunday Times 5 February 1995 cited in Kidd-Hewitt 2002 p117). Cohens its not only this (Cohen 2002 p39) idea was evident through frequent and omnipresent panics which blamed the breakdown of the family, the availability of drugs and the crimogenic media (Kidd-Hewitt 2002, Thornton cited in Newburn 2007). McRobbie and Thornton (2002) argue unlike the novelty described in Cohens model, this has become a basic media response. Society Despite this crimes unusualness, societal anxiety increased surrounding both the governments capacity to control the crimogenic capacity of younger children, and the protection of younger children (Pitt 2001, Muncie 2004, Brown 2005). Crime data suggests a trend of younger childrens involvement in crime through a fall in the peak age of offending, but this is also accompanied by earlier desistance (Criminal Statistics 1995 cited in Coleman 1997, Criminal Statistics 2005 cited in Coleman Schofield 2007). Adult perceptions regarding age-appropriate behaviour were challenged (Brown 2005) and with childhood on trial (James Jenks cited in Muncie 2004 p4) innocence shifted to potential evil and hate (Muncie Hughes 2002). It is also argued that resulting public and legal attitudes towards children have become more punitive as a result of this case (Hendrick 2002 p39) with misrepresentations fuelling harsher measures (Smith 2007). The well established panic surrounding crimogenic media also emerged (Brown 2005), a youth culture anxiety as seen as early as 1917 when the deteriorating influence of cinema was highlighted (Russell cited in Pearson 1983). In the Bulger case the film Childs Play 3 was the subject of this panic despite evidence in court suggesting this film had not been viewed by the boys (Morrison 1997). Brown (2005) argues that the films character Chucky who physically represented a child but behaviourally represented an adult was used as a symbol of the challenge to age-appropriate behaviour. More tenuous associations include the use of batteries in James Bulgers attack (Morrison 1997). Agents of Control It is argued that doli incapax (incapable of crime) where it must be proven that a child understands right and wrong was reviewed for ten to thirteen year olds in response to this case. Although the principle was initially retained it was later revoked in the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 (Bandalli 2000 cited in Gelsthorpe Morris 2002). Despite protection under the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of a Child (UNCRC) mental health provision was limited during the boys nine months in custody and minimal allowance was made for their age with the trial in an adult court and their identities exposed to the international media, argued to have heightened the campaign of hate (Scraton Haydon 2002 p313). Upon release Dame Butler-Sloss favoured the 1998 Human Rights Act over freedom of expression, granting anonymity to Thompson and Venables for the risk of retributive injury or death (cited in Scraton Haydon 2002). The UK government breached articles relating to a fair trial, fixing sentence and periodic review of sentence in the European Convention of Human Rights (Muncie 2004, Scraton Haydon 2002). The sentence had already been increased from eight years to ten by the Lord Chief Justice. Final sentencing authority rested with Michael Howard (Sereny 1996) who increased it for a second time to 15 years, citing public concern and the Bulger petition (Morrison 1997). This illustrates Cohens argument that sometimes agents of control have to act. Once overturned, the Criminal Justice and Court Services Act 2000 removed the capacity for the Home Secretary to intervene in sentencing decisions (Muncie 2004). With crime becoming second only to unemployment on the agenda (Pitts 2001), the intention to incarcerate 12 to 14 year olds through secure training units and secure training orders was announced, ten days after James Bulgers death and only months after ending custody for 14 year olds in the Criminal Justice Act 1991 (Smith 2007). More punitive measures were introduced in the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 where the maximum sentence for fifteen to seventeen year olds doubled to two years (Newburn 2002). Hegemony The end of the bi-partisan consensus on crime was apparent in the 1970 Conservative Party manifesto (Pitts 2001) with punitive rhetoric becoming associated with political success (Smith 2007). By the 1992 general election a return to bi-partisanship was argued in the form of being tough on crime as a means to political victory (Downes Morgan 2002). Following Labours 1992 defeat policies were transferred from the reinvented and electorally successful Democrats (Pitts 2001) argued to have rescued the Labour Party from perpetual opposition (Pitts 2001 p18, Hudson Lowe 2004) which included a punitive approach towards crime. This was evident the month before James Bulgers death when the Shadow Home Secretary, Tony Blair declared how New Labour were tough on crime, tough on causes of crime (cited in Pitts 2001 p19). Political posturing is argued to have become part of youth justice continuing throughout the 1990s with Labours new approach suggested to have heightened Conservative government punitiveness. It is argued that rather than being a catalyst for policy change, the murder of James Bulger may have accelerated the punitive turn. The abolition of doli incapax may be associated with this event but it is argued that events prior to James Bulgers death were already influencing youth justice policy (Smith 2007). The tone of political communication highlights the argued political exploitation of youth fear with labels like vermin (Goldson 2002 p392). John Major illustrated an assumed punitive consensus (Hall et al 1978), saying how society needs to condemn a little more and understand a little less and Kenneth Clarke called for increased court powers, emphasising hostility towards really persistent, nasty little juveniles (Smith 2007 p25). McRobbie and Thornton argue hegemony is overstated due to the potential plurality of reactions (2004 p72), something Jewkes also points out, describing how public and media cohesion is overstated (cited in Newburn 2007 p100), although it is noted that fragmented hegemonic activity may be seen, for example with Thatcherism and the Daily Mail (McRobbie Thornton 2004). Following on from the deviance amplification model, it may be argued that in some cases governments may increase deviancy through the interventions they initiate (Brown 2005). Conclusion It has been suggested that the media is powerful in shaping societys response to young people who break the law, being a primary information source. One of the ways in which the media shapes societys response is by creating the impression that youth crime is more widespread that really is the case. The problems that some deviant youth experience are grossly under represented such as the health issues of The Terror Triplets and the potential that at least one of James Bulgers attackers may have also been a ten year old victim of sexual abuse. Problems also include the failure to circulate general information such as the dark figure of crime for fraud, the adult age of most known offenders or a fall in the peak offending age. The simplified and exaggerated way in which youth are represented is argued to cause widespread societal panic and irrational fears, for example the anticipation of similar repeat activity in the case of rare crimes such as the murder of James Bulger. Explanations for the activity such as its not only this may feed the panic, resulting in greater fears about unrelated factors and in the case of the early 1990s lead to a total panic about youth. Authority action may be influenced by the public interest generated by a moral panic, and in the case of hegemony societys response to the media may be the provision of consent for authority action. It was argued that moral panics also have the potential to be entertaining and do not always include moralising. The cohesiveness of response to a moral panic may be overstated with the plurality of media highlighted. The idea of a total panic about youth was considered and the blurring of boundaries illustrated as having the potential to diffuse anxieties through debate widening, or heighten concerns and inform state action, as with the petition in the Bulger case. In conclusion, evidence may support the model described by Cohen, it is suggested however that other perspectives highlight that the way in which the media and society interact with respect to young people who break the law is more complex.

Channel Structure and strategic choice in distribution channels Essay

This article mainly talks about the importance of marketing channel of marketing channel strategy decisions, they are highlighted by: 1) term consequences and 2) the constraints andopportunities that they represent..The present paper incorporates strategic management theory into marketingchannels literatures to examine the impact of different channel structures onthe choice of a generic channels strategy. Specifically, the contingent effects of channel power/control and the degree ofvertical integration are examined as they affect the choice between thegeneric strategies of overall costleadership, differentiation, focus, andcombination strategies. Besides research on the manipulation of power and influence attempts, littleattention has been given to the study of channel strategies. The intent of the present paper is to examine how one strategy concept,choice of a generic strategy, can be applied in a channel context. The basis of the discussion of strategy will be Porter’s str ategy typology,though supporting literature wiU also be used. Overall LowCost Leader, The OLC strategy stresses economies of scale,proprietary knowledge, preferendal access to raw materials, aggressive pricingpolicies, cost minimizadon, stable product lines and other factors which leadthe firm to become â€Å"The† low-cost producer or supplier in its industry. Specifically, I will be concerned with how varying levels of vertical integrationand power/control within the channel affect the choice of a generic strategy. I first need to provide a brief review of the strategy framework to be utilized. The Strategic Framework The work by Porter defines three generic strategieswhich firms might choose to pursue in order to establish a competidveadvantage: overall low-cost leader, differentiation and focus. According to Porter, a firm’s compeddve advantage combines with its scope ofacdvides to determine which of the three generic strategies the firm willchoose. The generic strategy, will, in turn affect the performance of the firm. 80 Firms stressing the differendadon strategy seek to be unique in theirindustry along some dimensions that are widely valued by buyers. Focus The focus strategy rests on the choice of a narrow compeddve  scopewithin an industry. The firm following this strategy selects a segment or subsecdon of an industryand s ets a strategy to serve it better than anyone else in the industry. Combination Strategies Porter states that each of his strategies is a†Fundamentally different approach to creadng and sustaining a compeddveadvantage†. Further support for a combination strategy is found in Wright, et al. Interestingly, the firms with the highest performance followed a combinationstrategy. Vertical Integration and Strategy The literature just discussed providesevidence that organizations may pursue more than one strategy at a time,thus allowing for a combination strategy. The current paper will include four potential strategies from which firms mightchoose: OLC, differentiation, focus, and combination. The following section will develop propositions, which identify contingentchannel conditions, which affect the choice of a generic strategy. Development of Propositions A number of management researchers have putforth contingency approaches, identifying under what conditions each genericstrategy is appropriate. On the internal end, are cost minimization, low cost leader, and defenderstrategies, consistent with the vertically integrated firm? At the other end ofthe continuum are maximizing, prospecting, and differentiating strategies,consistent with the nonintegrated firm. PI: Firms which are highly vertical integrated are more likely to choose an OLCstrategy. P2: Firms with low levels of integration are more Ukely to choose adifferentiation strategy. In terms of a combination strategy, there is evidence to suggest that firms,which generate high growth and high profits, are better equipped to use botha differentiation and an OLC strategy. When combined, these strategies produce enhanced economies of scale andimproved ROI. Some researchers take the position that power is necessarily a negativeaspect in that, those who possess it will attempt to infiuence exchangepartners by use of coercive influence strategies. If the firm chooses a focus strategy, it will attempt to â€Å"Own† a particularmarket segment either through price leadership or differentiation. The difference between this strategy and the focus strategy is the fact thatfocus concentrates on a particular segment, while this strategy is industry-wide. The choice between these two strategies is likely to depend on the scope  ofthe supplier’s activities. While these firms are able to compete on an OLC strategy, there is not muchincentive to do so. When competing firms counter the low cost leader strategy, firms musteventually turn to some form of differentiation or suffer long-runconsequences for the industry. P5: When faced with the superior power of buyers, suppliers with a regionalcompetitive scope will attempt to combat the power of buyers by choosing afocus strategy. As discussed in the section on vertical integration, the pursuit of tactics suchas integration, cost reductions, and reliance on standardization of practices,is consistent with an overall low-cost leader strategy. P6: When faced with high levels of supplier power, buying firms willemphasize on a differentiated focus strategy. The concept of channel strategy has received little attention. Specifically, the contingent effects of channel power/control and the degree ofvertical integration have been examined as they affect the choice betweenthe geneVic strategies of overall cost-leadership, differentiation, focus, andcombination strategies. Contingent propositions is meant to show the interrelationship of channelstructure and subsequent channel strategies.

Cost Cut Theory

Ritter explained. the bigger loss, of course, is the future value of the money, according to the financial analysts. â€Å"if you left the $10,000 in for 20 years and it earned 8 percent, that would have amounted to $46,600,† Ritter noted. Ritter said that taking money out of a 401(k) plan—as either a loan or a hardship withdrawal—can be a false solution that keeps the person in crisis from taking appropriate action, such as selling the house, getting another job, or cutting expenses. You need a systemic solution, something that’s going to change your household cash flow,† he said. liberto said another reason to avoid a hardship withdrawal in the current market is that the employee would be borrowing funds that have dropped in value, with no chance to recoup the loss when the market recovers.Barbara Bird, a management professor and entrepreneurship expert at american university in Washington, d. c. , said that at this time of such dramatic financial upheaval, companies can help employees by providing financial education. a lot of people out there don’t know what diversification means,† she said, or what the difference is between stocks and bonds. Bird said that some people who take hardship withdrawals do not understand the tax consequences until april. companies can set up training classes or communicate through a newsletter or Web page, she added. â€Å"one of the things managers need to do in times of crisis is to communicate,† Bird said, â€Å"to share as much as they can about what’s happening at the company as the financial situation plays out nationally. q MaRcH 2009 COST-CUTTING TIPS, TACTICS & STRATEGIESInTRODuCeHDHPsTOCuTHeALTHCAReCOsTs Issue:in 2005, a business services company sought to cut its health care costs by introducing high deductible health plans ( HdHps) to its employees in hopes of increasing its enrollment. Response:â€Å"along with the HdHp options, we also started offering health savings accounts that included employer contributions to these accounts,† the benefits administrator at the 225-employee firm told us. Result:â€Å"these new plans increased our participation in 2006; 65 percent of our employees who participate in the health program are covered in one of he HdHp plans,† the benefits administrator added. â€Å"due to the increased enrollment in 2006 and the reduced claims experience, we were able to offer our plans to employees in 2007 with no increase in premium amounts. †Issue:a 400-employee transportation company was looking for simple changes to its benefits plan that would keep costs from rising more than 8 percent. Response:â€Å"our principal move was to couple an increase in deductibles with a contribution increase,† the controller told us. Formerly, we also included dental coverage with the cost of medical. now, we charge additional amounts for it. Finally, we increased copayments for our drug program. † Result:increasing the deductibles saved the company roughly $150,000. â€Å"and to lessen the sting of these increases to employees, we supplemented our life offering, which was viewed positively,† the controller added. CHAnGeyOuRCOnTRIBuTIOnTIeRs Issue: the benefits manger at a new York-based hotel, hospitality, and lodging company was looking for a way to change its contribution toward health care coverage to help cut costs.Response:â€Å"We changed from a two-tiered contribution single and family to a four-tiered contribution (single, couple, single with child(ren), and family). it was done during open enrollment for 2007 benefits,† the benefits manager told ioMa. Result:â€Å"it enabled us to reduce costs. Many associates with dual coverage opted out as the family plan went up by 105 percent for a contribution. it went from $22 per week to $46. www. ioma. com/HR 15

Definition of Freeboard of a Ship or Boat

Definition of Freeboard of a Ship or Boat Freeboard in the simplest terms is the distance from the waterline to the top of a vessel’s hull. Freeboard is always a measurement of vertical distance but in most vessels, it is not a single measurement unless the top of the hull is completely flat and parallel to the water along the entire length. Minimum Freeboard One way of expressing freeboard is to refer to the minimum freeboard of a boat or ship. This is an important measurement since it determines how much weight a vessel can carry or how it will perform in wind and waves. If minimum freeboard ever reaches zero it is possible that water could run over the side of the hull and into the boat causing it to sink if enough water accumulates. Some boats have a very low freeboard design that allows easy access to the surface of the water. Examples of this are buoy tenders and research boats which must have easy access to the water to go about their business. By Design Naval architects design these ships with sealed decks so if water does reach the top of the hull it drains off back into the water and does not impact the buoyancy of the ship. Most vessels, large and small, do not have a simple freeboard that is a straight line. Instead, the freeboard is higher at the bow, or front of the vessel, and slopes down to the stern at the rear. The designers shape the hull like this because as a boat moves through the water it might meet waves which are higher than the surface of the water. The higher bow allows a boat to ride up the surface of a wave and keeps water out. Deadrise The method that is used to describe the shape of a hull in naval architecture is called Deadrise. Deadrise is used in all forms shipbuilding since it is an ancient solution to keep unwanted water out of your ship. Cross Section The ideas of freeboard and deadrise come together when we consider a cross section of a hull. If we cut a slice across the hull we see that the profile of the hull rises from the keel at the bottom up to the waterline and then to the top of the hull. The area between the water and the top of the hull is the area where freeboard is measured. If we look at other slices of the hull the freeboard may change from higher in the area of the bow to lower near the stern. Freeboard Is Not Fixed The amount of freeboard is not a fixed number unless a boat always carries exactly the same load. If you load any vessel with more weight the freeboard will decrease and the draft will increase. That is the main reason any vessel must operate within the load capacity calculated by the designers. Compared to old-style pencil and paper drafting techniques that resulted in blueprints which were interpreted by each foreman, new building techniques offer the potential for much more complex and efficient designs. State of the Art Software drafting programs now allow naval architects to design precisely and CNC machines allow builders to stay within a few millimeters of the planned dimensions, even on a 300-meter vessel. The key to this accuracy is the number of stations found along the length of the hull. In the old days, maybe three meters of the hull were described in detailed drawings. Today, the number of stations is only limited to the size of the plan. A taper of one centimeter over 100 meters is possible today, which lets designers make complex shapes and also allows for modular construction and float out before final assembly.

Johann Sebastian Bach - Summary Of His Life Essays - Free Essays

Johann Sebastian Bach - Summary Of His Life Essays - Free Essays Johann Sebastian Bach - Summary of His Life Johann Sebastian Bach was one of the greatest composers in Western musical history. More than 1,000 of his compositions survive. Some examples are the Art of Fugue, Brandenburg Concerti, the Goldberg Variations for Harpsichord, the Mass in B-Minor, the motets, the Easter and Christmas oratorios, Toccata in F Major, French Suite No 5, Fugue in G Major, Fugue in G Minor ("The Great"), St. Matthew Passion, and Jesu Der Du Meine Seele. He came from a family of musicians. There were over 53 musicians in his family over a period of 300 years. Johann Sebastian Bach was born in Eisenach, Germany on March 21, 1685. His father, Johann Ambrosius Bach, was a talented violinist, and taught his son the basic skills for string playing; another relation, the organist at Eisenach's most important church, instructed the young boy on the organ. In 1695 his parents died and he was only 10 years old. He went to go stay with his older brother, Johann Christoph, who was a professional organist at Ohrdruf. Johann Christoph was a professional organist, and continued his younger brother's education on that instrument, as well as on the harpsichord. After several years in this arrangement, Johann Sebastian won a scholarship to study in Luneberg, Northern Germany, and so left his brother's tutelage. A master of several instruments while still in his teens, Johann Sebastian first found employment at the age of 18 as a "lackey and violinist" in a court orchestra in Weimar; soon after, he took the job of organist at a church in Arnstadt. Here, as in later posts, his perfectionist tendencies and high expectations of other musicians - for example, the church choir - rubbed his colleagues the wrong way, and he was embroiled in a number of hot disputes during his short tenure. In 1707, at the age of 22, Bach became fed up with the lousy musical standards of Arnstadt (and the working conditions) and moved on to another organist job, this time at the St. Blasius Church in Muhlhausen. The same year, he married his cousin Maria Barbara Bach. Again caught up in a running conflict between factions of his church, Bach fled to Weimar after one year in Muhlhausen. In Weimar, he assumed the post of organist and concertmaster in the ducal chapel. He remained in Weimar for nine years, and there he composed his first wave of major works, including organ showpieces and cantatas. By this stage in his life, Bach had developed a reputation as a brilliant, if somewhat inflexible, musical talent. His proficiency on the organ was unequaled in Europe - in fact, he toured regularly as a solo virtuoso - and his growing mastery of compositional forms, like the fugue and the canon, was already attracting interest from the musical establishment - which, in his day, was the Lutheran church. But, like many individuals of uncommon talent, he was never very good at playing the political game, and therefore suffered periodic setbacks in his career. He was passed over for a major position - which was Kapellmeister (Chorus Master) of Weimar - in 1716; partly in reaction to this snub, he left Weimar the following year to take a job as court conductor in Anhalt-Cothen. There, he slowed his output of church cantatas, and instead concentrated on instrumental music - the Cothen period produced, among other masterpieces, the Brandenburg Concerti. While at Cothen, Bach's wife, Maria Barbara, died. Bach remarried soon after - to Anna Magdalena - and forged ahead with his work. He also forged ahead in the child-rearing department, producing 13 children with his new wife - six of whom survived childhood - to add to the four children he had raised with Maria Barbara. Several of these children would become fine composers in their own right - particularly three sons: Wilhelm Friedmann, Carl Philipp Emanuel and Johann Christian. After conducting and composing for the court orchestra at Cothen for seven years, Bach was offered the highly prestigious post of cantor (music director) of St. Thomas' Church in Leipzig - after it had been turned down by two other composers. The job was a demanding one; he had to compose cantatas for the St. Thomas

Evolution of Health Care Information Systems Paper Essay

Evolution of Health Care Information Systems Paper - Essay Example An information system may simply be defined as an arrangement of people, technology, processes and data that interact to gather, process, store, transfer and provide output in form of useful information that supports the organization. The HCIS (Health Care Information System) traditionally was developed to primarily manage financial and administrative data with an aim of supporting management functions as well as general operations of the organization that deals in healthcare services (Tan, 2005). Administrative applications of HCIS include admission, transfer and discharge registration, scheduling, accounts receivable and patient billing, utilization management, payroll, staff scheduling, material management, general ledger and accounts payable administration (Tan, 2005). The clinical information system on the other hand contains clinical/ health related information that is related to diagnosing, monitoring and treating patients. Clinical applications generally consist of the ancillary information system and other systems which include nursing documentation, medication administration, tele-health and telemedicine, electronic medical record and provider order entry. Changes witnessed in healthcare systems have become real, more as a result of advancements in information systems, medical technology and healthcare delivery, and management practices (Tan, 2005). Up to the early 1980s, HIS (Healthcare Information Systems) were more oriented towards information â€Å"supply† for purposes of conducting business. Attention however shifted over time to a system that is more â€Å"demand† oriented; information and its importance. This led to the gradual replacement of pencils, calculators, paper and cards, mechanical punches and people for performing vital tasks (Dudeck, Blobel, Lordieck & Bà ¼rkle, 1997). The typical office in the healthcare facility then was characterized by cumbersome and labor intensive work methods. These methods and systems were later

Pros and Cons of Breast Cancer and Biomakers Research Paper

Pros and Cons of Breast Cancer and Biomakers - Research Paper Example Most of the tumor markers are produced by cancer cells and also normal cells, but are increased in cancerous conditions. These factors are found in tumor tissue, blood, urine and other tissues and fluids of the body in some patients with cancer. More often than not, tumor markers are proteins. (National Cancer Institute, 2012) More than 20 different tumor markers have been described and characterized and they are in clinical use (National Cancer Institute, 2012). While some are associated with only one type of cancer, others are associated with more than one type of cancer. However, there is no universal tumor marker that can detect any type of cancer. Tumor markers serve various purposes in cancer management like complementing diagnosis, prognostication, detection of recurrence, etc. However, there are certain limitations for the use of these markers. Thus, there are pros and cons to the use of tumor markers. In this essay, pros and cons of application of biomarkers or tumor markers in breast cancer management will be discussed. Application of breast cancer biomarkers The most common cancer affecting women all over the world is breast cancer and it has been estimated that about one million cases are diagnosed every year worldwide (Duffy et al, 2005). The main presenting features of the disease include lump in the breast, skin contour changes and nipple discharge. Asymptomatic cases may be picked up during routine screening tests. Definitive diagnosis is histopathology of the biopsy specimen. Several blood based biomarkers are available, but they do not have a role in the early diagnosis of the disease. For localized breast cancer, primary treatment is mastectomy or breast-conserving surgery and radiation. In invasive breast cancer, primary treatment is followed by hormone therapy or chemotherapy. These treatments have shown to reduce mortality related to breast cancer. Following primary therapy, the patients are followed up at regular intervals for surveillanc e. This includes clinical history, detailed physical examination, chest X-ray, mammography, biochemical testing and use of breast cancer markers. The intention is to detect recurrent disease at an early stage so that outcomes are better. This is one use of tumor marker. There are other uses of tumor markers in breast cancer management. Recurrent disease is common even in lymph node-negative cases and therapeutic options in such cases include exclusive hormone therapy or chemotherapy or a combination of both. Metastatic breast cancer is considered incurable and treatment is mainly palliative. Serial assessment of tumor markers is useful in to decide whether a particular treatment modality can be continues or there is a need to switch to another treatment modality. Thus, it is now clear that tumor markers are necessary for optimal management of breast cancer (Duffy et al, 2005). Pros of breast cancer biomarkers There are 2 types of tumor markers available for breast cancer and they ar e serum markers and tissue markers. Examples of serum markers useful in breast cancer include CEA, CA 15-3, polypeptide antigen or TPA, BR 27.29, tissue polypeptide specific antigen or TPS and the shed form of HER-2 (Duffy, 2006). Examples of tissue markers include urokinase plasminogen activator, HER-2, hormone receptors and plasminogen activator-1. Most of the oncological organizations in Europe, US and other countries recommend routine assay of progesterone and estrogen receptors on all newly diagnosed breast cancers to select the type of hormone therapy (Duffy, 2006). These markers are also useful to determine prognosis. HER-2 is also recommended on all newly diagnosed breast cancer cases. The main purpose of this is to determine whether the cancer is suitable for Trastuzumab (Herceptin). This test is